Christchurch and the issues of Identity, Incels, Jacinda Ardern, 8chan and Egg Boy.
White Terrorism in Christchurch
Claiming to represent “millions of European and other ethno-nationalist peoples”, he said “we must ensure the existence of our people, and a future for white children”.
The gunman described the attack as an act of “revenge on the invaders for the hundreds of thousands of death caused by foreign invaders in European lands throughout history … for the enslavement of millions of Europeans taken from their lands by the Islamic slavers … (and) for the thousands of European lives lost to terror attacks throughout European lands.”
He said the attack was also inspired by a trip he took to France in 2017.
“For many years I had been hearing and reading of the invasion of France by non-whites, many of these rumours and stories I believed to be exaggerations, created to push a political narrative.
“But once I arrived in France, I found the stories not only be true, but profoundly understated. In every French city, in every French town the invaders were there.”
Tarrant said he feels no remorse for the attack. “I only wish I could have killed more invaders, and more traitors as well.” He also said there “was a racial component to the attack” and described it as “anti-immigration” and “an attack in the name of diversity”.
Posting on an 8chan forum, a user who identified himself as Tarrant announced he would carry out the attack.
“I will carry out an attack against the invaders, and will even live stream the attack via Facebook,” he wrote, with a link to his Facebook page. “If I don’t survive the attack, goodbye, god bless and I will see you all in Valhalla!”
Many anonymous users responded praising him for the attack, with comments like “Godspeed” and “that video is so goddamn good”.
In Norse mythology, Valhalla (/vɑːlˈhɑːlɑː/; from Old Norse Valhöll “hall of the slain”) is a majestic, enormous hall located in Asgard, ruled over by the god Odin. Chosen by Odin, half of those who die in combat travel to Valhalla upon death, led by valkyries, while the other half go to the goddess Freyja’s field Fólkvangr. In Valhalla, the dead join the masses of those who have died in combat, known as Einherjar, and various legendary Germanic heroes and kings, as they prepare to aid Odin during the events of Ragnarök. Before the hall stands the golden tree Glasir, and the hall’s ceiling is thatched with golden shields. Various creatures live around Valhalla, such as the stag Eikþyrnir and the goat Heiðrún, both described as standing atop Valhalla and consuming the foliage of the tree Læraðr.
The Spiked Article
The killer seems to see himself as little more than a cultural being. In his seeming manifesto he professes commitment to the warped ethos of ethno-nationalism and continually refers to himself as white. He can see no identity for himself beyond the one he inherited by birth. Strikingly, the killer appears to say that his attack was done in the name of diversity – he says he wants ‘diverse peoples to remain diverse’, meaning identity groups must remain ‘separate, unique, undiluted, unrestrained in… cultural expression’. This sounds chillingly similar to the separatist ethos of the identitarian outlook, in which ‘cultural appropriation’ is a sin and anyone who seeks to speak up for other races or cultures risks being reprimanded with the words, ‘Stay in your lane’. The killer’s belief in cultural purity is of a piece with the identitarian worldview … But if we want to limit the attraction of such violent identitarian thinking, such vicious cultural paranoia, we must urgently make the case for a new humanist politics in which your character and humanity count for more than your skin colour and your heritage. The war of identities must end, whether it’s in public life or bloodstained places of worship.
The history and politics of white identity
Kenan Malik on the history of white identity.
Identity politics is seen as a feature of the left and white identity is viewed as a latecomer reaction.
Rich Virginian slave owners in 1619 didn’t view themselves as white. They were English.
In 1865 the elite viewed negroes and working class as being in the same tribe. The white had class and social status. This was a reaction to the universalism of the enlightenment.
That waned when the working class were allowed to vote.
Then with imperialism, there arose a division between Europe from the colonies and by the early 20th-century skin colour became more important.
After the Holocaust overt racism became less acceptable.
In the 60s many black activists ceded from integrated civil rights groups and set up separate black groups. Many justified this not just as a political strategy but as a cultural necessity.
Black activism provided a template for other groups such as women, Native Americans, Muslims and gays.
The term ‘identity politics’ was coined in 1977 by the American Combahee River Collective, a group of black Lesbian militants, in their ‘Black Feminist Statement’. The most radical politics, they argued, came from placing their own experiences at the centre of their struggles. ‘Focusing upon our own oppression’, they wrote, ‘is embodied in the concept of identity politics’.
The politics of solidarity draws people into a collective not because of a given identity but to further a political or social goal. Where the politics of identity divides, the politics of solidarity finds collective purpose across the fissures of race or gender, sexuality or religion, culture or nation. But it is the politics of solidarity that has crumbled over the past two decades as radical movements have declined. For many today, the only form of collective politics that seem possible is that rooted in identity.
The question people ask themselves is not so much ‘In what kind of society do I want to live?’ as ‘Who are we?’ The answer to the question ‘In what kind of society do I want to live?’ has become shaped less by the kinds of values or institutions people want to struggle to establish, than by the kind of people that they imagine they are. And the answer to ‘Who are we?’ has become defined less by the kind of society they want to create than by the history and heritage to which supposedly they belong. The frameworks through which we make sense of the world are defined less as ‘liberal’ or ‘conservative’ or ‘socialist’ than as ‘Muslim’ or ‘white’ or ‘English’ or ‘European’.
And so we return to white identity.
Some far-right thinkers began appropriating cultural arguments, and ideas about difference, to embed racist notions of identity.
The French far right was particularly assiduous in exploiting the ideas of pluralism to promote a reactionary argument against immigration and to defend French national culture against the impact of immigration, to protect it from being ‘swamped’.
Mainstream politicians, liberal and post-liberal commentators, even academics, now argue that whites should be able to assert their own ‘racial self-interest’ like any other ethnic group.
The same trends that transformed the sixties social movements into the contemporary politics of identity have also driven the rehabilitation of white identity.
Central to this story is the changing fortunes of the working class. The forms of social organization that once gave working-class lives identity, solidarity, indeed dignity, have disappeared.
And as culture has become the medium through which social issues are refracted, so many within the working class have also come to see their problems in cultural terms. They, too, have turned to the language of identity to express their discontent.
This has been exacerbated by the changing relationship between the working class, the left, and the far-right. Social democratic parties in Europe have moved away from their old working-class constituencies. Many sections of the working class have found themselves politically voiceless at the very time their lives have become more precarious, as jobs have declined, public services savaged, austerity imposed, and inequality risen.
Jacinda Ardern wearing a shawl to cover her head.
Reminds me of Anna Bligh during the floods.
… and I say to every one of those people in those areas and to Queenslanders in other parts of the state: as we weep for what we have lost, and as we grieve for family and friends, and we confront the challenge that is before us, I want us to remember who we are. We are Queenslanders; we’re the people that they breed tough north of the border. We’re the ones that they knock down and we get up again. I said earlier this week that this weather may break our hearts and it is doing that but it will not break our will and in the coming weeks and in the coming months we are going to prove that beyond any doubt. Together, we can pull through this and that’s what I’m determined to do and with your help, we can achieve that. Thank you.
She has been getting lots of accolades. I would’ve preferred if she thought “You don’t have to dress up like me and I don’t have to dress up as you. We are all New Zealanders.”
RWT says: Good to see though that the socialists here and in NZ are getting the PC adherences and settings correct with veils being donned by PM Ardern and Commissar Shorton’s wife at various public vigils. Boy, if Scott Morrison’s wife donned a veil the Guardian would be screaming about unacceptable “cultural appropriation”.
Stay well as you approach category 4 today.
The silver lining of mass shootings in Australia and NZ is the impetus to change laws.
8chan and Incels are a big part of this
What are 8chan and 4chan?
Disempowered bullies are finding it hard in modern society.
Fraser Anning and Egg Boy
What if he egged one of our female politicians?
Just because you don’t like his victim, in this case, doesn’t make it ok.
Maybe it’s lawyer training but we have to look at rules which are sound based on principles no matter who is involved.
Adam Hills tweeted:
I’m not ok with the kid in Australia egging a politician. It was not ok when someone did it to Jeremy Corbyn last week, and I don’t think it’s ok to do it to Fraser Anning. It makes him a victim and emboldens his supporters. Take him down with wit, rules and due process.
According to New Matilda: The tweet has thus far not fared well with his half million followers, with more than 1,700 replies. If you can find a supportive comment amongst them, you’re doing better than us.
Here is a typical response from one of his fans: Adam, I am a fan of your comedy but a) you’ve been away from Australian racism for too long and, b) as a white man, the guns aren’t aimed at you. So you don’t understand how under threat PoCs are.
Fraser Anning may lose membership to the Qantas Chairman’s lounge.
Indonesia is not happy
The Indonesian foreign ministry has summoned the Australian ambassador in Jakarta to express strong condemnation of Australian senator Fraser’s Anning’s controversial response to the Christchurch massacre.
Speaking from the world’s largest Muslim-majority nation, foreign ministry spokesman Arrmanatha Nasir said Anning’s statement showed a lack of understanding about Islam and his view of the religion was “very shortsighted”.
St Patricks Day.
Where one dominant religion drove out the indigenous religion and we all celebrate by drinking.
When genocide is worthy of making someone a saint.
Early medieval tradition credits him with being the first bishop of Armagh and Primate of Ireland, and they regard him as the founder of Christianity in Ireland, converting a society practising a form of Celtic polytheism.
From Ray in Ireland
Hi Trevor. It seems strange to me too, but I’m afraid the fear is correct. It’s important to understand precisely who it is we need to fear. A serious majority of both Catholic and Protestant Northern Irelanders are not remotely sectarian in their beliefs or feelings, despite differing political preferences over a United Ireland. They are quite happy to permit things to proceed as they are, allowing time to purge both communities of the fanatics within. Unfortunately, the sane majority has no real say in what the fanatics get up to.
On the nationalist side, there exists a small but dangerous cohort of dissident republicans who reject the Good Friday Agreement and want to resume the violence. They look at the Brexit debacle and say ‘England’s difficulty is Ireland’s opportunity’. They think that with just one more violent heave the British will cave and the island of Ireland will become united again. And if a hard Brexit eventuates some time within the next few weeks and months, the economic fallout combined with a possible reinstatement of a hard border may generate enough unrest to turn the dissident republicans into an attractive proposition for disillusioned youths with little else to aspire to.
The reaction of Loyalist paramilitaries is harder to predict, if only because they disbanded more completely than their republican counterparts. But if the threat of a United Ireland was to become in any way realistic, I believe they’d probably resort to violence again too, by targeting multinational businesses and personnel south of the border. By striking at the Republic’s economic base, they’d force the government down here to crack down hard on a rejuvenated republicanism, and they might even convince the general public that a United Ireland would be too economically costly a goal to pursue.
In addition to the possible consequences of a hard Brexit, we here in the Republic have been adding fuel to the fire by conducting a ‘centenary of commemorations’ that basically celebrates the violence of Easter 1916, the War of Independence (1919 – 21) and the Civil War (1922 – 23). These events are considered ‘foundational’ to the Republic, but their commemoration stokes old civil war antagonisms between those who consider the past history, and those like Sinn Fein/IRA and the dissident republicans who maintain that there is unfinished business to tend to as long as Northern Ireland remains in ‘English’ hands.
So you see, Trevor, it’s all really quite simple, and clear as mud at the same time. But among the fanatic minority the old antagonisms remain as raw as ever, and have received additional aggravation from uncertainties over Brexit, unprincipled attempts to make political mileage out of those uncertainties, and a badly managed ‘decade of commemorations’ south of the border. Violence should not continue to threaten the people on both sides of the Irish border, but thanks to unforeseen circumstances and the immoral activities of an unprincipled few, it still does.
“You didn’t complain when we had Monday off for a horse race”